For
Immediate Release
Office of the
Press Secretary
September 23,
2003
10:59 A.M.
EDT
THE
PRESIDENT: Mr. Secretary
General; Mr. President; distinguished delegates; ladies and
gentlemen:
Twenty-four months ago -- and yesterday in the memory of America -- the
center of New York City became a battlefield, and a graveyard, and the
symbol of an unfinished war. Since that day, terrorists have struck
inBali,
Mombassa, in Casablanca, in Riyadh, in Jakarta, in Jerusalem --
measuring
the advance of their cause in the chaos and innocent suffering they
leave
behind.
Last month,
terrorists
brought their war to the United Nations itself. The U.N. headquarters
in
Baghdad stood for order and compassion -- and for that reason, the
terrorists
decided it must be destroyed. Among the 22 people who were murdered was
Sergio Vieira de Mello. Over the decades, this good and brave man from
Brazil gave help to the afflicted in Bangladesh, Cypress, Mozambique,
Lebanon,
Cambodia, Central Africa, Kosovo, and East Timor, and was aiding the
people
of Iraq in their time of need. America joins you, his colleagues, in
honoring
the memory of Senor Vieira de Mello, and the memory of all who died
with
him in the service to the United Nations.
By the
victims they choose,
and by the means they use, the terrorists have clarified the struggle
we
are in. Those who target relief workers for death have set
themselves
against all humanity. Those who incite murder and celebrate suicide
reveal
their contempt for life, itself. They have no place in any religious
faith;
they have no claim on the world's sympathy; and they should have no
friend
in this chamber.
Events
during the past
two years have set before us the clearest of divides: between those who
seek order, and those who spread chaos; between those who work for
peaceful
change, and those who adopt the methods of gangsters; between those who
honor the rights of man, and those who deliberately take the lives of
men
and women and children without mercy or shame.
Between
these alternatives
there is no neutral ground. All governments that support terror are
complicit
in a war against civilization. No government should ignore the threat
of
terror, because to look the other way gives terrorists the chance to
regroup
and recruit and prepare. And all nations that fight terror, as if the
lives
of their own people depend on it, will earn the favorable judgment of
history.

The former
regimes of
Afghanistan and Iraq knew these alternatives, and made their choices.
The
Taliban was a sponsor and servant of terrorism. When confronted, that
regime
chose defiance, and that regime is no more. Afghanistan's President,
who
is here today, now represents a free people who are building a decent
and
just society; they're building a nation fully joined in the war against
terror.
The regime
of Saddam Hussein
cultivated ties to terror while it built weapons of mass destruction.
It
used those weapons in acts of mass murder, and refused to account for
them
when confronted by the world. The Security Council was right to be
alarmed.
The Security Council was right to demand that Iraq destroy its illegal
weapons and prove that it had done so. The Security Council was right
to
vow serious consequences if Iraq refused to comply. And because there
were
consequences, because a coalition of nations acted to defend the peace,
and the credibility of the United Nations, Iraq is free, and today we
are
joined by representatives of a liberated country.
Saddam
Hussein's monuments
have been removed and not only his statues. The true monuments of his
rule
and his character -- the torture chambers, and the rape rooms, and the
prison cells for innocent children -- are closed. And as we discover
the
killing fields and mass graves of Iraq, the true scale of Saddam's
cruelty
is being revealed.
The Iraqi
people are meeting
hardships and challenges, like every nation that has set out on the
path
of democracy. Yet their future promises lives of dignity and freedom,
and
that is a world away from the squalid, vicious tyranny they have known.
Across Iraq, life is being improved by liberty. Across the Middle East,
people are safer because an unstable aggressor has been removed from
power.
Across the world, nations are more secure because an ally of terror has
fallen.
Our actions
in Afghanistan
and Iraq were supported by many governments, and America is grateful to
each one. I also recognize that some of the sovereign nations of this
assembly
disagreed with our actions. Yet there was, and there remains, unity
among
us on the fundamental principles and objectives of the United Nations.
We are dedicated to the defense of our collective security, and to the
advance of human rights. These permanent commitments call us to
great
work in the world, work we must do together. So let us move
forward.
First, we
must stand with
the people of Afghanistan and Iraq as they build free and stable
countries.
The terrorists and their allies fear and fight this progress above all,
because free people embrace hope over resentment, and choose peace over
violence.
The United
Nations has
been a friend of the Afghan people, distributing food and medicine,
helping
refugees return home, advising on a new constitution, and helping to
prepare
the way for nationwide elections. NATO has taken over the U.N.-mandated
security force in Kabul. American and coalition forces continue to
track
and defeat al Qaeda terrorists and remnants of the Taliban. Our efforts
to rebuild that country go on. I have recently proposed to spend an
additional
$1.2 billion for the Afghan reconstruction effort, and I urge other
nations
to continue contributing to this important cause.

In the
nation of Iraq,
the United Nations is carrying out vital and effective work every day.
By the end of 2004, more than 90 percent of Iraqi children under age
five
will have been immunized against preventable diseases such as polio,
tuberculosis
and measles, thanks to the hard work and high ideals of UNICEF. Iraq's
food distribution system is operational, delivering nearly a
half-million
tons of food per month, thanks to the skill and expertise of the World
Food Program.
Our
international coalition
in Iraq is meeting it responsibilities. We are conducting precision
raids
against terrorists and holdouts of the former regime. These killers are
at war with the Iraqi people. They have made Iraq the central front in
the war on terror, and they will be defeated. Our coalition has made
sure
that Iraq's former dictator will never again use weapons of mass
destruction.
We are interviewing Iraqi citizens and analyzing records of the old
regime
to reveal the full extent of its weapons programs and its long campaign
of deception. We're training Iraqi police and border guards and a new
army,
so the Iraqi people can assume full responsibility for their own
security.
And at the
same time,
our coalition is helping to improve the daily lives of the Iraqi
people.
The old regime built palaces while letting schools decay, so we are
rebuilding
more than a thousand schools. The old regime starved hospitals of
resources,
so we have helped to supply and reopen hospitals across Iraq. The old
regime
built up armies and weapons, while allowing the nation's infrastructure
to crumble, so we are rehabilitating power plants, water and sanitation
facilities, bridges and airports. I proposed to Congress that the
United
States provide additional funding for our work in Iraq, the greatest
financial
commitment of its kind since the Marshall Plan. Having helped to
liberate
Iraq, we will honor our pledges to Iraq, and by helping the Iraqi
people
build a stable and peaceful country, we will make our own countries
more
secure.
The primary
goal of our
coalition in Iraq is self-government for the people of Iraq, reached by
orderly and democratic process. This process must unfold according to
the
needs of Iraqis, neither hurried, nor delayed by the wishes of other
parties.
And the United Nations can contribute greatly to the cause of Iraq
self-government.
America is working with friends and allies on a new Security Council
resolution,
which will expand the U.N.'s role in Iraq. As in the aftermath of other
conflicts, the United Nations should assist in developing a
constitution,
in training civil servants, and conducting free and fair
elections.
Iraq now has
a Governing
Council, the first truly representative institution in that country.
Iraq's
new leaders are showing the openness and tolerance that democracy
requires,
and they're also showing courage. Yet every young democracy needs the
help
of friends. Now the nation of Iraq needs and deserves our aid, and all
nations of goodwill should step forward and provide that support.

The success
of a free
Iraq will be watched and noted throughout the region. Millions will see
that freedom, equality, and material progress are possible at the heart
of the Middle East. Leaders in the region will face the clearest
evidence
that free institutions and open societies are the only path to
long-term
national success and dignity. And a transformed Middle East would
benefit
the entire world, by undermining the ideologies that export violence to
other lands.
Iraq as a
dictatorship
had great power to destabilize the Middle East; Iraq as a democracy
will
have great power to inspire the Middle East. The advance of democratic
institutions in Iraq is setting an example that others, including the
Palestinian
people, would be wise to follow. The Palestinian cause is betrayed by
leaders
who cling to power by feeding old hatreds and destroying the good work
of others. The Palestinian people deserve their own state, and they
will
gain that state by embracing new leaders committed to reform, to
fighting
terror, and to building peace. All parties in the Middle East must meet
their responsibilities and carry out the commitments they made at
Aqaba.
Israel must work to create the conditions that will allow a peaceful
Palestinian
state to emerge. And Arab nations must cut off funding and other
support
for terrorist organizations. America will work with every nation in the
region that acts boldly for the sake of peace.
A second
challenge we
must confront together is the proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction.
Outlaw regimes that possess nuclear, chemical and biological weapons --
and the means to deliver them -- would be able to use blackmail and
create
chaos in entire regions. These weapons could be used by terrorists to
bring
sudden disaster and suffering on a scale we can scarcely imagine. The
deadly
combination of outlaw regimes and terror networks and weapons of mass
murder
is a peril that cannot be ignored or wished away. If such a danger is
allowed
to fully materialize, all words, all protests, will come too late.
Nations
of the world must have the wisdom and the will to stop grave threats
before
they arrive.
One crucial
step is to
secure the most dangerous materials at their source. For more than a
decade,
the United States has worked with Russia and other states of the former
Soviet Union to dismantle, destroy, or secure weapons and dangerous
materials
left over from another era. Last year in Canada, the G8 nations agreed
to provide up to $20 billion -- half of it from the United States -- to
fight this proliferation risk over the next 10 years. Since then, six
additional
countries have joined the effort. More are needed, and I urge other
nations
to help us meet this danger.
We're also
improving our
capability to interdict lethal materials in transit. Through our
Proliferation
Security Initiative, 11 nations are preparing to search planes and
ships,
trains and trucks carrying suspect cargo, and to seize weapons or
missile
shipments that raise proliferation concerns. These nations have agreed
on a set of interdiction principles, consistent with legal -- current
legal
authorities. And we're working to expand the Proliferation Security
Initiative
to other countries. We're determined to keep the world's most
destructive
weapons away from all our shores, and out of the hands of our common
enemies.

Because
proliferators
will use any route or channel that is open to them, we need the
broadest
possible cooperation to stop them. Today, I ask the U.N. Security
Council
to adopt a new anti-proliferation resolution. This resolution
should
call on all members of the U.N. to criminalize the proliferation of
weapons
-- weapons of mass destruction, to enact strict export controls
consistent
with international standards, and to secure any and all sensitive
materials
within their own borders. The United States stands ready to help any
nation
draft these new laws, and to assist in their enforcement.
A third
challenge we share
is a challenge to our conscience. We must act decisively to meet the
humanitarian
crises of our time. The United States has begun to carry out the
Emergency
Plan for AIDS Relief, aimed at preventing AIDS on a massive scale, and
treating millions who have the disease already. We have pledged $15
billion
over five years to fight AIDS around the world.
My country
is acting to
save lives from famine, as well. We're providing more than $1.4 billion
in global emergency food aid, and I've asked our United States Congress
for $200 million for a new famine fund, so we can act quickly when the
first signs of famine appear. Every nation on every continent should
generously
add their resources to the fight against disease and desperate
hunger.
There's
another humanitarian
crisis spreading, yet hidden from view. Each year, an estimated 800,000
to 900,000 human beings are bought, sold or forced across the world's
borders.
Among them are hundreds of thousands of teenage girls, and others as
young
as five, who fall victim to the sex trade. This commerce in human life
generates billions of dollars each year -- much of which is used to
finance
organized crime.
There's a
special evil
in the abuse and exploitation of the most innocent and vulnerable. The
victims of sex trade see little of life before they see the very worst
of life -- an underground of brutality and lonely fear. Those who
create
these victims and profit from their suffering must be severely
punished.
Those who patronize this industry debase themselves and deepen the
misery
of others. And governments that tolerate this trade are tolerating a
form
of slavery.
This problem
has appeared
in my own country, and we are working to stop it. The PROTECT Act,
which
I signed into law this year, makes it a crime for any person to enter
the
United States, or for any citizen to travel abroad, for the purpose of
sex tourism involving children. The Department of Justice is actively
investigating
sex tour operators and patrons, who can face up to 30 years in prison.
Under the Trafficking Victims Protection Act, the United States
is
using sanctions against governments to discourage human
trafficking.

The victims
of this industry
also need help from members of the United Nations. And this begins with
clear standards and the certainty of punishment under laws of every
country.
Today, some nations make it a crime to sexually abuse children abroad.
Such conduct should be a crime in all nations. Governments should
inform
travelers of the harm this industry does, and the severe punishments
that
will fall on its patrons. The American government is committing $50
million
to support the good work of organizations that are rescuing women and
children
from exploitation, and giving them shelter and medical treatment and
the
hope of a new life. I urge other governments to do their part.
We must show
new energy
in fighting back an old evil. Nearly two centuries after the abolition
of the transatlantic slave trade, and more than a century after slavery
was officially ended in its last strongholds, the trade in human beings
for any purpose must not be allowed to thrive in our time.
All the
challenges I have
spoken of this morning require urgent attention and moral clarity.
Helping
Afghanistan and Iraq to succeed as free nations in a transformed
region,
cutting off the avenues of proliferation, abolishing modern forms of
slavery
-- these are the kinds of great tasks for which the United Nations was
founded. In each case, careful discussion is needed, and also decisive
action. Our good intentions will be credited only if we achieve good
outcomes.
As an
original signer
of the U.N. Charter, the United States of America is committed to the
United
Nations. And we show that commitment by working to fulfill the
U.N.'s
stated purposes, and give meaning to its ideals. The founding
documents
of the United Nations and the founding documents of America stand in
the
same tradition. Both assert that human beings should never be reduced
to
objects of power or commerce, because their dignity is inherent. Both
require
-- both recognize a moral law that stands above men and nations, which
must be defended and enforced by men and nations. And both point the
way
to peace, the peace that comes when all are free. We secure that peace
with our courage, and we must show that courage together.
May God
bless you all.
(Applause.)
END 11:25
A.M. EDT
(from www.whitehouse.gov)
